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] 


SPEECH 


OP 


MR.  CALEB  B.  SMITH,  OF  INDIANA, 


ON  THE 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


Delivered  in  the  House  of  Represetiiatives  U.  S.,  Jauiiarif  7,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  BY  J.  &  O.  S.  GIDEON. 

1846. 


l^u 


fc-/ 


\ 


■A 


SPEECH 


The  ComniiUee  of  tlie  Wliole  House  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  having 
under  consideration  the  joint  resohitiou  reported  froni  tht;  Committee  on 
Foreig-n  Affairs,  directin;^  the  President  to  uive  notice  to  Ureal  Britain  that 
the  United  St;ites  will  terminat<3  tlie  coiufnlion  between  the  two  (Govern- 
ments, providins^  for  the  joint  occupation  of  the  Oresi^on  territory,  at  the  ex- 
piration of  twelve  months — 

Mr.  CAliEB  li.  SMITH,  liavinn: obtained  the  floor,  said,  that  an  impres- 
sion seemed  to  prevail,  not  only  with  gentlemen  h('r<',i)ut  through  the  pub- 
lic press,  that  the  Oregon  question  was  peculiarly  a  NVesterii  (piestion.     Ap- 
peals had  been  addressed  to  Western  memi)ers,  which  seemed  to  indicate  an 
opinion  that  the  West  alone  had  an  interest  in  the  (picsiion.     It  has  also, 
said  Mr.  Smith,  been  frecpiently  intimated  that  the  VVesi  desireil  to  involve 
the  country  in  a  win- ^\ith  Great  Britain.     The  gentleman  I'rom  Alaljama, 
(Mr.  Yancj  v.)  who  has  just  taken  his  seat,  has  made  an  ehxpient  appeal 
io  Western  ui  miners  to  abate  their  warlike  propensities,  and  lo  suller  the 
peace  of  the  CLumtry  to  continue  undisiurlied.     As  a  Westi-rn  man  myself, 
identified  with  the  people  of  that  section  of  tlie  country,  and  sympathizing 
with  their  views  and  feelings.  I  dischum,  utterly,  on  their  behalf,  the  sec- 
tional character  witii  which  it  is  soiii:ht  to  stani])  this  (piestion.     I  deny  that 
it  is  to  be  regarded  in  any  peculiar  sense  as  a  Western  question,  or  that  it 
should  be  determined  with  any  special  reference  to  Western  interests.     It 
is  true,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  people  of  the    West  feel  a  deef>  interest 
in  this  question,  and  look  with   anxiety  for  its  ultimate  settlement.     It  is 
true  diat  ihey  apjireciate  fidly  the   imjiortance   of  the  Oregon  territory,  as 
well  as  the  title  by  which  our  (iovernment  claims  it.     It   is  true  that  there 
is,  throughout  the  whole  vallev  of  the  Mississippi,  an  ardent  desire  that  the 
Jionor  as  well  as  the  interest  ot*the  I'nited  Stales  should  l)e  ]M-eserved  in  tlie 
maintenance  of  the  just  rights,  not  of  the  West  alone,  but   of  the  whole 
country,  in  die  Oregon  territory.    .But,  sir,  I  do  not  Ixdic^ve  that  the  people 
of  the  West,  any  more  than  those  of  otlier  sections  of  the  Union,  desire  war 
with  (treat  Britain,  or  any  other  nation.     I  do  not  believe  that  they  desire 
ihat  the  settlement  of  this  (juCslion  should  be  submitted  to  the  stern  arbitia- 
ment  of  the  sword,  while  odier  means  of  an  honorable  adjustment  are  left. 
A  war  with  England  would  not,  in  my  opinion,  be  the  most  certain  means 
of  securing  our  rights  in  Oregon.     Without  war  they  will   be  maintained. 
The  arts  of  peace  will  more  certainly  and  seciuely  accomplish  what  we  de- 
sire than  war.     For,  although  I  cannot  believe  that  the  strong  arms  and 
patriotic  hearts  of  the  American  ])eople  will  ever  suffer  tin;  territory  to  be 
wrested  from  us  by  a  foreign  foe,  yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  a  war,  at  this 
Ume,  with  Great  Britain,  would  greatly  hazard  its  loss. 

It  has  been  urged  that  the  West  is  inclined  to  favor  a  war  upon  the  Ore- 


<:• 


gon  question,  hecaupe,  it  is  alleged,  that  otir  people  are  remote  from  the 
point  of  (iiinger,  and  that  a  war  would  occasion  an  increased  market  and  an 
enhanced  demand  for  their  agricultural  products.  It  is  a  great  mislakejsir, 
to  suppose  that  the  fieople  of  the  West  will  not  be  exposed  to  danger  in  the 
event  of  a  war.  They  are  not  so  insulat«;d  in  tlieir  poisition,  or  so  divided 
from  their  brethren ,  as  to  relieve  them  from  a  share  of  the  conunon  dangers. 
The  history  of  the  country  abundantly  proves  that,  in  the  day  of  her  neces- 
sity, they  were  not  so  far  distant  l-ut  that  they  could  hear  her  call, and  were 
not  too  unmindfid  of  her  welfare  lo  lly  (o  ihc  rescue,  and  spill  their  best 
blood  in  her  defence.  In  the  e\ent  of  a  war  with  Cireat  Britain,  the  Cana- 
da border  would  become  the  pritjcipal  scene  of  the  cuntest.  Thosf;  portions 
of  the  W  est  which  lie  contiguous  lo  our  Nortliern  lakes  would  be  immedi- 
ately exposed  to  the  inroads  of  the  enemy,  (uul  tin;  West  woidd  iiu'nish  her 
fidl  share  of  the  armies  upon  which  the  (.Jovernment  woultl  rely  for  either 
defence  or  invasion. 

Nor  is  there  any  more  truth,  sir,  in  the  assumption  that  the  agricultural 
products  of  the  Mississipjii  valley  will  derive  an  increased  value  from  a 
ioreign  war.  A  war  witli  Great  Britain  woidd  at  once  ciu  off  oiu"  exports. 
Our  ports  would  be  blockaded  and  our  foreign  nmrkets  destroyed.  The 
productions  of  the  West,  .nstead  of  finding  a  market  as  they  now  do  in 
Etirope,  would  be  compelled  to  seek  purchasers  at  home  ;  and,  as  a  neces- 
sary consecpience,  their  value  would  be  greatly  diminished.  But,  sir,  I 
must  be  allowed,  on  behalf  of|  that  portion  of  the  people  of  the  West  whom 
J  have  the  honor  lo  represent,  utterly  to  disclaim  and  repudiate  any  con- 
siderations so  sordid  and  sellish.  I  should  blush  to  acknowledge  any  con- 
nection with  them,  if  1  coidd  believe  them  capable  of  harboring  a  desire  to 
involve  the  country  in  a  war  that  they  might  speculate  upon  the  blood  and 
sulferings  of  other  portions  of  the  country.  No,  sir,  if  there  is  any  peculiar 
feeling  in  the  West — any  special  sensitiveness  on  this  question  in  relation 
to  the  title  of  this  Government  to  the  Oregon  territoiy,  it  springs  from 
liigher  and  nobler  considerations.  It  is  the  result  of  a  patriotic  desire  to  see 
the  integrity  of  the  nation  maintained,  and  the  rights  of  our  conunon  coun- 
try preserved.  It  is  no  mere  sectional  question;  and  I  trust  that,  when  it 
may  become  necessary .  all  sections  of  the  country  will  be  found  uniting  in 
any  effort  and  any  sacrifices  which  may  be  necessary  tc  vindicate  the  na- 
tional honor. 

I  cannot  pretend,  like  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  (Mr.  Baker,)  to  an- 
swer for  the  Whigs  of  Illinois,  Missouri,  Artcansas,  and  Michigan.  I  can 
assume  only  to  speak  for  those  whom  I  represent.  There  may  be  a  more 
martial  feeling  prevailing  in  some  portions  of  the  W^est  than  is  to  be  found 
in  Indiana.  The  gentleman  from  Illinois  may  be  ambitious  of  covering 
his  brow  with  the  laurels  which  are  to  be  acquired  amid  the  ''  din  of  con- 
flict and  the  strife  of  arms."  Far  be  it  froiTi  me,  sir,  to  call  in  question 
either  the  valor  or  the  chivalry  of  the  people  of  Illinois.  They  have  suc- 
cessfully established  their  claim  to  both,  not  only  in  the  celebrated  Black 
Hawk  war,  which  was  conducted  to  a  most  glorious  result,  but  in  the  more 
recent,  though  no  less  glorious  war  in  which  they  were  engaged  with  the 
great  and  powerful  Mormon  nation.  The  shouts  of  triumph  which  arose 
from  the  hard  fought  field  on  whidi  the  Mormons  were  roiUed  and  over- 
throw^n,are  yet  ringing  in  our  ears.  Much  less,  sir,  would  I  be  disposed 
to  question  the  valor  of  Uiose  gentlemen  who  represent  that  chivalrous  peo- 


e  from  the 
rket  and  an 
iiistake^sir, 
iiijZ'er  in  the 
so  divided 
on  dangers. 
if  her  neces- 
,11 ,  and  were 
II   ilieir  best 
1,  the  Canu- 
losf!  portions 
be  iniiuedi- 
[  iinnish  her 
y  for  either 

agricultural 
alue  from  a 
our  exports, 
oyed.     The 
y  now  do  in 
,  as  a  neces- 
But,  sir,  I 
West  whom 
ate  any  con- 
Jge  any  con- 
ig  a  desire  to 
he  blood  and 
any  peculiar 
•n  in  relation 
springs  from 
^  desire  to  see 
immon  coun- 
that,  when  it 
nd  uniting  in 
icale  the  na- 

VKER,)  to  an- 
ligan.  I  can 
ly  be  a  more 
is  to  be  found 
[s  of  covering 
'  din  of  con- 
11  in  question 
ley  have  suc- 
ebrated  Black 
lit  in  the  more 
:aged  with  the 
h  which  arose 
ited  and  over- 
I  be  disposed 
hivalrous  peo- 


ple here,  wiih  distinguished  advantage  to  them,  and  honor  to  themsleves  ; 
a  portion  of  whom,  if  report  has  not  err<d,  have  won  for  themselves  un- 
fading laurels  in  both  of  those  wars.  (Here  Mr.  Baker  remarked,  "  I 
wish  the  gendeman  would  specify.")  Sir,  (said  Mr.  S.,)  I  fear  I  should 
call  the  blush  of  modesty  to  that  gentleman's  cheek,  should  I  recount  tlie 
brilliant  achievements  which  rumor  has  attributed  to  him  in  those  memora- 
ble wars.  And,  sir,  the  distiniruished  gentleman  before  me,  the  honoral^le, 
chairmon  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  (Mr.  Douglass,)  is  well  und(M- 
stood  to  be  a  sharer  in  the  same  distinction,  although  his  great  modesty 
and  well  known  diftidence  miijlit  prevent  Ihm  from  claiming  the  meed  of 
applause  to  which  he  is  so  Justly  entitled.  But  I  b<'<i-  leave  to  assine  the 
gentleman,  tlint  a  grateful  country  will  fully  appreciate  the  valor  he  has  dis- 
])layed  amidst  those  martial  scenes  ;  and  his  praises  will  yet  be  sung,  until 
they  resound  from  the  hills  and  valleys  of  the  great  West. 

It  is  not  my  design,  Mr.  Clitiirman,  in  the  discusrsion  of  this  cpiesiion,  to 
enter  into  an  examination  of  the  title  b\  which  we  claim  the  t  )r(\gon  terri- 
tory. The  grounds  of  our  title  have  l>een  shown  with  signal  ninlity  by  the 
able  diplomatists  to  whom  the  negoii  uions  have  been  entrusted  by  our  (go- 
vernment. There  is,  however,  one  or*  uiul  of  title  upon  which  our  rights 
liavc  been  most  elocpicnlly  urged  here,  which  is  so  novel  and  peculiar  in 
its  character,  that  1  must  for  a  moment  allude  to  it.  I  icf'M-  to  the  title  of 
^'■nifinifest  ilrstiinj."'  It  has  been  mged,  with  mucli  zeal,  that  ^'Ore- 
gon  is  ours  by  manifest  destiny."  I  have  examined,  with  some  attention, 
the  elaborate  and  al)le  correspopdence  which  has  taken  place  between  «he 
plenipoientiari(\s  of  the  two  (Tovernments  in  relation  to  the  title  to  the  (he- 
gon  territory;  and  although  it  is  admitted  by  all  that  our  Secretary  of  Stale 
has  displayed  our  title  with  greni  force  and  ])erspicuity,  ytn  I  have  looked 
in  vain  to  that  correspondence  for  any  reference  to  this  new.  and,  as  sonie 
gentlemen  seem  to  supjiose  it,  irresistible  title.  It  is  certainly  reasonable  lo 
presume  tlial  our  negotiator,  in  his  anxieMy  to  convince,  not  only  the  British 
plenipotentiary,  l)ut  the  world,  of  the  validity  of  our  title  iiml  the  Jurstiee  of 
our  claims,  would  have  cited  and  uriit.'d  all  the  evidences  of  oiu'  title  which 
he  su])]iosed  could,  by  any  possibility,  stren<:theii  our  claims  or  Justify  our 
pretensions.  Yet  I  ilo  not  lind  that  lie  has.  at  any  time,  urged  that  we 
have  a  title  to  f)regon  by  ^•■iiuinifrst  drsliinj."  A'altel  and  (irotius,  as  well. 
as  all  other  v.ritert  u]ion  the  lav\"  of  nations,  will  Ix'  searched  in  \ain  for 
evidence  ol'  the  I'xisience  of  such  a  title.  'i'hi-<  title  is  certainly  a  very  com- 
prelnmsive  one,  and,if  establisht.'d.will  eftectually  ])m  to  rest  all  doubts  antl 
quibbles  in  re2'arfl  to  a  title  l)y  treaty,  d  s.-'overy.  exploration,  or  settlement. 
[t  would  ceriaiidy  ]H):-ses:^  one  very  iinporiani  advantau,-e  over  all  the  titles 
which  have  lieen  recognised  l)v  cis  ilizeil  nation?.  Every  nation  must  be 
allowetl  to  Judo-e  (jf  its  own  destiny,  and  of  the  rights  wliieh  that  destiny 
conlVrs  upon  it.  We  can,  therefore,  v'xieial  our  ]tossessi(.»iis  and  increase 
our  dominions  until  they  correspond  with  tlu;  grand  conceptions  we  may 
form  of  our  deir^iinx'.  If  Oregon  is  ours  by  '•'•  }iianif(st  (kstiny.^'  so  eciually 
is  (Jalifi.rnia,  ^lexico,  Canada,  and  ail  of  the  British  piovinces  u[ion 
this  contineiu.  If  our  dt^stiny  ii'ives  u-  a  righi  lo  them,  we  may  as  well  at 
once  commenct!  the  process  of  amiexing  or  '•'rr-aiDi.txind"'  them  to  the 
United  States.  It  has  been  recently  ruiuored  that  our  Government  has 
furnished  our  newly  appointed  miiuster  to  Mexico  with  instructions  to  open 
negotiations  widi  Mexico  for  the  purchase  of  California.     Would  it  not  be 


as  well  (o  save  to  our  Treci>iiiy  the  money  which  it  may  be  proposed  to 
expend  in  ihis  pmrhase,  and  a.>^sert  a  title  to  California  by  ^'manifest  lies- 
tiny  ?"  Our  claim  to  that  province  upon  the  fi^iound  of  destiny  is  certainly 
as  stronjj  as  the  title  by  (lestiny  to  Oret^on.  California  is  separated  from 
Oregon  by  no  natural  barrier.  They  are  divided  but  by  an  artificial  line, 
and  if  the  one  is  ours  by  ^'manifest  destiny, ^^  I  see  not  why  the  other  is 
not  ecpially  so. 

Sir.  I  have  too  much  confidence  in  the  strcuffth  and  justice  of  our  claims' 
to  the  Oregon  territory,  to  consent  to  base  our  title  upon  pretensions  so  ridi- 
culous and  absurd.  What  maybe  the  idtimate  designs  of  Providence  in> 
regard  to  our  nalion,  or  what  may  be  our  tdtiniate  (/e.siitiy  is  not  yet  made 
'manifest.  It  cannot  l)e  disguised,  that  there  is  in  this  country  a  rai)idly  in- 
creasing hist  for  national  agrandizemeni — a  thirst  for  territorial  accpiisitions — 
a  longing  lor  increased  doniiiiion.  It  is  a  spirit  full  of  danger,  and  if  fos- 
tered and  encour.iged,  it  needs  not  the  spirit  of  prophecy  to  make  manifest 
our  destiny.  Under  the  inlUicncc  of  this  feeling,  we  have  already  cast 
wishful  and  longing  eyes  ujton  the  provinces  of  our  neighl)ors.  The  jealousy 
of  other  natiotis  is  already  aroused  itgainst  us,  and  we  have  reason  to  fear 
that  the  i^overnmenis  of  f^urope,  as  well  as  of  our  own  continent,  will  be 
united  against  us  to  check  our  encrotuhmeiits  upon  the  rights  of  others. 

The  adverse  claims  of  the  United  Slates  and  (neat  13ritain  to  the  Oregoii" 
territory,  based  as  they  are  upon  discoveries  and  explorations  made  by  citi- 
zens of  both  countries,  ns  well  as  ujion  treaties  maih;  by  both  Covernments 
with  Spain, are  necessarily,  to  some  extent,  uncertain  in  their  character, and 
present  a  lit  suliject  for  ncgolialion  ami  compromise.  I  have,  however,  no 
hesitation  in  saying  that  v.e  have  a  good  title  to  all  of  the  territoiy,  as  far 
north  as  the  forty-ninth  pmallel  of  north  latitude;  and  I  would  not  desire  to- 
see  our  Governtnent  make  luiy  concessions  to  Great  Britain  beyond  those 
which  have  already  been  ollered.  The  questions  in  dispute  between  the  twcx- 
countries,  in  relation  to  the  title,  have  been  a  subject  of  diderence  between 
us  for  itearly  (  yetus.     Ellbrts  have  been  made  to  compromise  them, 

at  dillcrent  pe  ,  and  under  dilferent  administrations,  but  without  success. 
As  early  as  1M8  it  was  agreed,  that  the  territory  in  dispute  should  be  open 
and  free  to  the  citizens  and  subjects  of  both  countries.  In  1S27,  this  agree- 
ment was  renewed  for  an  indefinite  period,  with  a  stipulation  that  it  might; 
be  terminated,  bv  either  (jiovermneiit,on  giving  to  the  other  twelve  months,, 
notice.  It  is  proposed  by  the  resolution  now  before  the  House,  that  wc 
shall  givethe  year's  notice  to  (irtMit  Britain,  required  by  the  joint  convention,. 
t6  terminate  it.  A  (piestion  as  important  as  this,  and  one  which  involves 
consequences  to  the  country  of  the  greatest  magnitude,  ishould  be  viewed 
and  determined  without  any  reference  to  party  politics.  I  trust  it  will  be 
so  considered,  and  that  party  spirit  may  be  sufiered  to  exercise  no  influence 
in  its  settlement.  It  caimot,  however,  be  concealed,  that  ellbrts  have  been 
made  to  give  it  a  party  complexion.  Previous  to  1844,  the  country  uni- 
versally actpiiesced  in  the  propriety  of  continuing  the  joint  convention  with 
Great  Britain.  But  in  the  memorable  political  contest  of  that  year,  efforts- 
were  made  to  mingle  the  Oregon  question  with  the  elements  of  political 
strife,  and  to  make  it  subservient  to  ])artizan  triumph.  The  Democratic 
convention,  which  assembled  at  jjaltimore  iii  May,  1814,  and  nominated: 
the  present  incumbent  of  the  Presidency  is  the  camlidate  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  presented  the  (piestions  of  Trxas  and  Oregon  as  the  twin  oil- 


proposed  to 
anifest  dcs- 
is  certainly 
ardted  from 
tificial  line, 
the  other  is 

f  our  claims-, 
ons  so  ridi- 
lovidcnce  in* 
ot  3'et  made 
I  ruj)idly  iii- 
(juisitions — 
,  and  if  fos- 
ike  manifest 
d  ready  cast 
'lie  jealousy 
iison  to  fear 
lenl ,  will  be 
f  others, 
the  Oref^oti 
uide  by  citi- 
luverninents 
iaracter,antl 
lowever,  no 
itory ,  as  far 
not  desire  ta 
eyond  those 
cen  the  two- 
ice  between 
)niise  them, 
out  success, 
idd  be  open 

this  agree- 
lal  it  might; 

ve  months,. 
sc,  tliat  we 
L'onvention,. 
ch  involves 

be  viewed 
?t  it  will  be 
lO  influence 
lave  beeiif 
ountry  uni- 
ention  with 
rear,  efforts- 

of  political 
Democratic 

nominated 

the  Denio- 
le  twin  oil- 


spring  of  Democracy.  Our  title  to  all  of  Oregon  was  n>serted,  as  well  as 
the  determination  to  sustain  that  title.  During  the  canvass  which  followed, 
it  will  be  recollected,  that  an  effort  was  made  to  create  the  impression  that 
the  Democrats  were  the  peculiar  friends  of  Oregon,  and  that,  the  Whigs 
were  in  favor  of  surrendering  a  portion  of  it  to  Great  Britain  by  negotiation. 
Mr.  Clay  was  repeatedly  denounced,  not  only  through  the  press,  but  upon 
this  floor,  because,  while  Secretary  of  State,  he  had  instructed  our  minister 
to  England  to  offer  to  surrender  to  Great  Britain  all  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory which  lies  north  of  the /or/y- ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  as  a  com- 
promise, although  he  believed  our  tide  to  be  good  to  the  whole  country  up 
to  fifty-four  degrees  and  forty  minutes.  We  all  know  the  result  of  that 
contest.  Mr.  Polk  was  elected,  and  it  was  immediately  announced  that  the 
public  voice  had  decided  that  Texas  must  be  annexed,  and  that  our  title  to 
all  of  <)regon  must  be  maintained.  The  annexation  of  Texas  was  pressed 
forward  with  hot  haste,  and  its  immediate  consummation  lu'ged  with  a  zeal 
which  would  admit  of  no  delay.  That  measure  having  been  disposed  of, 
expectation  was  of  course  excited  as  to  the  course  which  was  to  ho  pursued 
by  the  incoming  Administration  in  relation  to  die  Oregon  (jue.stion.  VNTe 
all  recollect  the  sensation  which  was  produced, not  only  in  this  country, but 
in  Europe,  by  the  rhetorical  flourish  of  the  President,  in  his  inaug;  ral  ad- 
dress, respecting  our  right  to  Oregon.  Our  title  was  •'  clear  and  imquestion- 
able,"  and  must  be  maintained,  was  authoritatively  announced.  This 
manifesto  was  shordy  after  followed  by  an  equally  emphatic  declaration  of 
our  rights,  and  of  the  determination  of  the  Government  to  sustain  them, in 
the  ••  ofl'icial  organ"  of  the  Administration , heralded  to  the  world  under  the 
imposing  caption  of  ''  the  whole  of  Oregon, or  none."  Who  for  one  mo- 
ment could  have  siipposeil,that  an  Administration,  tiius  coming  into  power, 
with  Kuch  lofty  and  high  sounding  pretensions  iipou  this  ([uestion — thus 
i»earding  the  British  lion  in  advance,  and  denouncing,  in  terms  of  vehement 
bitterness,  those  who  before  had  offered  to  concede  a  portion  of  this  territory 
to  Great  Britain  for  the  sake  of  a  compromise,  would,  within  die  first  half 
year  of  its  existence,  ofFer  to  concede  to  the  British  Government,  as  large  a 
portion  of  die  Oregon  territory  as  had  been  offered  under  the  instructions  of 
Mr.  Clay  while  Secretary  of  State.  While  I  was  canvas.sing  for  a  seat  in 
this  House,  during  die  last  summer,  rumor  whispered  that  the  President 
had  offered  to  surrender  the  country  north  of  forty-nine.  The  rumor  was 
there  most  stoutly  denied  by  his  friends.  That  wliich  was  then  but  rumor, 
faintly  whispered,  is  now  rendered  a  certainty.  The  message  of  die  Pres- 
ident has  orncially  informed  us,  that  he  has  renewed  the  offer  of  compro- 
mise formerly  made,  with  the  excepdon  of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river.  He  has  offered  to  surrender  to  die  British  Government  all 
c'f  the  territory  which  lies  north  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude. 
Where  now  are  the  muttering  thunders  of  Democratic  vengeance  which 
have  been  so  profusely  poured  out  upon  Mr.  Clay  for  sanctioning  a  similar 
olfer ?  Where  now  are  the  oft  repeated  denunciations  agninst  ''  British 
Whigs,"  who  would  be  willing  to  surrender  any  portion  of  die  Oregon  ter- 
ruory  to  a  foreign  government  ?  The  oder  to  surreniler  has  been  made  by 
a  Democratic  Administration — by  an  Administration  brought  into  existence 
under  the  vaunting  resolutions  of  the  Baltimore  convention. 

1  have  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  referred  to  tlifse  matters  f'lr  the  purpose  of 
ilenouncing  or  censurina-  die  Piesitleut  fur  tiie  olVer  which  lie  has  made  to 


8 


compromise  tliis  vexed  question.  I  approve  of  tliat  offer,  and  only  regret 
that  it  has  not  been  accepted  as  the  basis  of  a  compromise.  The  country- 
may  find  in  the  history  of  this  t|ucstion  a  useful  lesson.  They  may  learn  to 
place  a  proper  estimate  upon  the  self-praised  patriotism  of  those  who  hove 
denounced  all  compromise,  and  have  charged  with  partiality  to  a  foreign  g:)v- 
ernment,  those  of  our  own  citizens  who  have  sought  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing the  peace  of  the  comitry  in  attempts  to  settle  the  controversy  by  fair  and 
honorable  negotiation.  This  is  not  the  lirst  time  in  the  history  of  parties 
when  men  have  reached  power  upon  pledges  which  they  found  it  utterly 
impjssible  to  carry  out.  The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Adams) 
has  told  us  that  he  believes  we  shall  have  no  war  upon  this  cjucstion,  and 
f»s  one  reason  for  his  opinion  he  predicts  that  the  Administration  will  '•'■hack 
nuV  from  its  own  positions.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  predict  or  to  prejudge  the 
Administration.  Those  who  have  been  placed  l)ythe  people  at  the  head  of 
the  Cfovornment  have  assiuned  the  responsibility  of  the  neo'otiaiions  upon 
this  question,  and  to  the  country  nuist  they  answer  for  the  manner  in  which 
their  responsibilities  are  discharged. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman  ,  to  come  more  immediately  to  the  cpiestion  ])efore  the 
Hoiise,  I  desire  to  present  some  oi"  the  reasons  which  will  induce  me  to  vote 
against  the  Joint  resolution  now  under  discussion.  This  resolution  projwses 
that  Congress  shall  terminate  the  convention  now  existing  between  this  Gov- 
ernment and  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  which  provides  for  the  joint 
occupancy  by  the  citizens  of  the  two  countries  of  the  Oregon  territory.  I 
cannot  regard  the  notice  required  to  terminate  that  convention  as  a  legisla- 
tive act.  As  a  member  of  the  committee  on  Foreisin  Afl'airs  my  views  upon 
this  point  have  already  been  submitted  to  the  House  in  the  report  of  the  mi- 
nority of  that  connnittee.  i  believe  the  positions  assumed  in  that  report  to 
be  soimd  and  well  founded.  The  Constitution  has  wisely  divided  the  pow- 
ers of  the  Government  between  ditl'erent  de])artments.  The  line  which  se- 
parates those  departments  is  clear  and  well  detined.  The  leijislative  depart- 
ment ought  not  to  trench  upon  or  invade  the  jMOvince  of  the  other  depart- 
jnents.  It  will  lind  enough  to  oi-cupy  its  auention  in  its  own  legitiniale 
sphere  of  action.  The  power  to  dissolve  the  convention  with  Great  Britain 
is  a  power  which  itelongs  to  the  treaty-making  department  of  the  Govern- 
ment. By  that  department  was  the  convention  created,  so  far  as  this  Gov- 
ermiient  had  an  agency  in  it,  aiul  by  it  alone  can  it  lie  terminated.  Con- 
gress can  neither  m;d\e  treaties  nor  alter  or  motiify  those  already  in  exist- 
ence. Tlie  joint  convention  by  which  tlie  two  countries  have  aoreed  to  re- 
rrulate  the  riiihts  of  their  citizens  to  ingress  to  the  coiuitry  between  the 
Rocky  Moimtains  anil  the  Pacilic,  is  a  treaty  btHween  them.  An  abroga- 
tion of  that  part  of  the  treaty  which  creates  the  xvs\\\.  of  joint  occupancy 
would  be  an  alteration  of  that  treaty,  and  this  alteration  can  only  be  efl'ected 
l>y  the  same  power  which  created  it.  'J'he  convention,  as  originally  created 
in  iSlS,  was  limited  l)y  its  own  terms  to  a  period  of  ten  years.  Before  the 
expiration  of  that  time  it  was  renewed  for  an  indefinite  period ,  to  be  termi- 
nated by  either  party  upon  one  year's  notice.  This  notice,  l>y  which  the 
convention  is  to  lie  thus  determined,  must  lie  given  by  one  of  the  parties  to 
,'.lie  treaty  to  the  other. 

The  treaty-making  power  of  the  Government,  it  seems  clear  to  my  mind, 
>3  alone  capable  of  giving  the  notice.  Congress,  it  is  true,  may  adopt  reso- 
lutions advisory  in  their  character,  and  calculated  to  stimulate  the  Executive 
in  the  discharge  uf  the  ilulies  properly  pertaining  to  that  branch  of  the  Gov- 


9 


r,  and  only  regret 
!e.  The  country 
riiey  may  learn  to 
f  tliose  who  liove 
^  to  a  foreign  g.ov- 
iieans  of  preserv- 
Dversy  by  fair  and 
history  of  })artie3 
y  found  it  utterly 
itts  (Mr.  Adams) 
his  cjucstion,  and 
lation  will  ^'■hnclc 
or  to  prejudge  the 
pie  at  the  head  of 
legotiaiions  upon 
manner  in  which 

lestion  before  the 
induce  me  to  vote 
solution  proposes 
letween  this  Oov- 
.ides  for  the  joint 
■gon  territory.  I 
ition  as  a  legisla- 
rs  my  views  upon 
'  report  of  the  mi- 
l  in  that  report  to 
divided  the  pow- 
lie  line  which  se- 
leo'islative  depart- 
the  other  depart- 
ts  own  legitimate 
ith  ( Treat  13 ri tain 
It  of  the  Govern- 

0  far  as  this  Gov- 
rmiiuued.     Con- 
already  in  exist- 

ave  agreed  to  re- 
try between  the 
m.  An  abroira- 
joint  ocou))ancy 

1  only  be  eO'ected 
Drigiucdly  created 
iars.  Before  the 
fiod ,  to  be  tertui- 
e,  by  which  the 
?  of  the  parties  to 

lear  to  my  mind, 

may  adopt  reso- 

ue  the  Executive 

anch  of  the  Gov- 


ernment. But  such  resolutions  would  have  no  weiglu  beyond  the  moral 
power  attached  to  them ,  as  the  opinions  of  those  who  innnedialely  represent 
the  people.  The  responsibility  of  the  mcisure  is  placed  by  die  Constitutioa 
in  the  hands  of  the  Executive,  and  I  see  no  good  reason  why  that  responsi- 
bility should  be  taken  from  that  branch  of  the  Government  and  exercised 
by  Congress.  There  are  other  reasons,  of  great  weight  in  my  mind,  why 
the  question  of  giving  the  notice  should  be  left  with  tiie  Executive.  The 
propriety  of  giving  it.  vih,  of  course,  depend  much  upon  the  state  of  nego- 
tiations with  Great  Britain.  At  the  commencement  of  the  present  session, 
the  President  informed  us  that  the  neo-otiations  had  been  brought  to  a  close. 
They  may,  however,  j)e  renewed,  and  rumor  is  rife  that  they  have  been 
renewed.  Great  Britain  may  reconsider  her  hasty  rejection  of  the  proposi- 
tion which  has  been  made  by  the  President;  and  1  hesitate  not  to  say,  that, 
should  she  do  so,  and  airree  to  accejit  the  forty-ninth  parallel  as  the  boun- 
dary line  between  us,  it  would  be  the  duty,  as  well  as  the  interest. of  this 
Government,  to  settle  the  (piestion  u]ion  that  basis.  T'he  President  will,  of 
course,  at  all  times  be  advised  of  the  state  of  the  negotiations,  and  can  better 
judge  than  Congress  of  the  time  when  it  would  be  proper  to  give  the  notice. 
But,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  it  should  be  admitted  that  the  notice  to  terminate, 
the  joint  convention  can  only  be  given  throiiirh  the  action  of  Congress,  it 
becomes  us  to  deliberate  maturely  before  we  taice  that  step.  Our  action  in 
this  matter  may  involve  consequences  more  serious  thrr  are  now  anticipated. 
The  step,  when  once  taken,  cannot  be  retraced,  and  w  houki  look  well  to 
the  effect  which  the  mensure  may  produce,  before  we  ;  dopt  it.  I  am  free 
to  confess,  that  I  have  not  i)een  Jible  to  discover  reasons  sudicient  to  satisfy 
me  that  we  should  iiive  Uie  notice  at  this  time.  The  joint  convention  be- 
tween the  Un'*ed  Slates  and  (ireat  Britniti  has  now  been  in  forct;  twent}'- 
seven  years.  Dnrinu  ihal.  peiiod,  no  ellbrt  has  been  iiiade  in'  Grent  jjritain 
to  terminate  it,  except  iiy  such  negotiations  as  would  settle,  delimtivelv,  the 
whole  question.  Until  within  the  last  two  years,  Init  few  in  the  L'nited 
States  have  expressed  the  opinion  that  we  should  terminate  it.  There  is 
no  point  of  national  honor  which  requires  us  to  terminate  it.  Its  contiiui- 
ance  involves  no  sacrilice  of  })rinciple  or  of  interest.  Our  title  to  Oregon 
has  lost  nothinir  of  its  strength  by  the  continuance  of  the  convention,  and 
surely  will  not  become  weaker  by  its  longer  continuance.  But  what  is  to 
be  the  ellect  of  giving  tJiis  notice?  Those  who  advo<'ate  llie  resolution  to 
give  notice  assure  us  that  it  is  a  pacilic  measme,  and  caimot  l)e  the  means 
of  producing  war.  If  there  is  any  ffentleman  here  who  desires  to  precipitate 
the  cotmtry  into  a  war,  he  has  not  the  boldness  to  avow  it.  All  are  appa- 
rently tlie  advocates  ol  ]ieace,  and  desire  to  adopt  >uch  measures  as  will  ])ro- 
diice  pacilic  results.  Is  this  a  measure  of  that  character  ?  I  confess,  sir,  1 
«Kni  not  without  serious  apprehensions  as  to  its  results.  The  language  used 
by  the  President  in  his  message,  to  my  mind,  veiy  clearly  indicates  that  he 
regards  it  as  the  commencement  of  a  series  of  measures  which  nuist  result 
in  war.  1  know  not  what  are  his  private  opinions,  or  what  opinions  he  has 
expressed  in  his  iiUercourse  with  others.  1  can  oidy  judge  of  his  opinions 
ftom  his  official  declarations.     Iji  his  message  he  says; 

"The  extraordinary  and  wholly  inadmissible  demands  of  the  British 
Goverimiem,  and  tlie  rejection  of  the  proposition  made  in  deference  alone 
to  what  had  been  done  by  my  predecessors,  and  the  imphed  obligation 
which  their  acts  seemed  to  ini]tose,  allbrd  satisfactory  evidence  that  no  cent- 


;.;#v'^ 


10 


promise  which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected.  With 
this  conviction,  the  proposition  of  compromise  which  had  been  made  and 
rejected,  was,  by  my  direction,  subsequently  withdrawn,  and  our  title  to 
the  whole  Oregon  territory  asserted ,  and ,  as  is  believed,  maintained  by  irref- 
ragable facts  and  arguments." 

In  this  part  of  the  niessage  the  President  assumes  that  ''no  compromise 
which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected."  Well,  sir,  if 
the  President  believes  that  ''no  compromise  wliicli  the  United  States  ought 
to  accept  can  be  ellected,"  what  must  we  infer  is  his  opinion  as  to  the  result 
of  the  question?  He  certainly  cannot  believe,  if  Great  Britain  will  agree 
to  no  reasonable  compromise,  that  she  will  surrender  unconditionally  all 
claim  to  the  territory,  and  suffer  our  Govermnent  to  take  undisputed  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  of  it.  The  inference,  then ,  is  irresistible ,  that  he  believes 
the  question  must  be  settled  by  the  arbitrament  of  the  sworil.  This  infer- 
ence is  strengthened  l)y  his  language  in  another  part  of  his  message,  in 
which  he  says:  * 

"At  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  should  Congress  think  4t  proper  to 
make  provision  for  giving  that  notice,  we  sball  have  reached  a  period  when 
the  national  rights  in  Oregon  must  either  be  abandoned  or  firmly  main- 
tained. That  tiiey  cannot  be  abandoned  without  a  sacrilice  of  both  national 
honor  and  interest,  is  too  clear  to  admit  of  doubt." 

The  opinion  of  the  President,  then,  is  clear  and  undisguised,  that  if  this 
notice  to  terminate  the  joint  convention  shall  be  given  to  Great  Britain, 
we  shall  be  compelled,  at  the  expiration  of  the  year,  to  assert  our  claims 
to  Oregon  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  In  this  opinion  I  fully  concur. 
When  the  joint  convention  shall  be  terminated,  we  must  then,  at  all 
hazards,  take  possession  of  the  country,  and  compel  Great  Britain,  by 
force,  to  abandon  her  pretensions,  A  wiw,  then,  can  only  be  avoided  by 
Great  Britain  surrendering  her  claims.  Have  we  any  reason  to  anticipate 
that  she  will  do  this?  If  she  has  refused,  upon  negotiation,  to  make  any 
compromise  which  our  Government  can  accept,  can  we  believe  that  she 
will  be  driven  by  menace  to  an  unconditional  surrender?  The  pride  and 
arrogance  which  she  has  at  all  times  manifested  in  the  assertion  of  what 
she  has  claimed  as  her  rights,  however  they  may  be  calculated  to  excite 
on  otu"  part  feelings  of  indignation  and  hostility  to  her,  yet  fully  show  that 
we  have  no  reason  to  count  on  her  forbearance  in  the  present  controverey . 
The  giving  of  the  notice,  it  is  true,  is  not  of  itself  a  war  measure.  Had 
the  notice  been  given  by  th(!  Executive,  while  the  nogotiations  were  pro- 
gressing, it  is  highly  probable  that  no  injury  could  have  resulted  from  it. 
it  might,  indeed,  have  led  to  an  earlier  settlement  of  the  whole  subject  of 
controversy;  because,  while  it  could  not  then  have  given  any  ground  of 
offence  to  the  British  Govermnent,  it  would  have  impressed  u))on  the  nego- 
tiators of  both  countries  the  necessity  of  an  early  and  definitive  settlement 
as  the  only  means  of  preserving  peace.  'J'he  state  of  affairs,  however,  has 
materially  changed.  The  President  has  abruptly  terminated  the  negotia- 
tions, and  withdrawn  the  proposition  of  compromise  which  he  had  made, 
alleging,  at  the  same  lime,  that  he  had  only  nuule  that  proposition  in  defer- 
ence to  the  opinions  and  acts  of  his  predecessors,  and  against  his  own  con- 
victions of  right.  At  the  same  time  he  recomniemls  to  Congress  to  give 
the  notice,  as  the  preparatory  step  to  dit;  assertion  of  the  claims  of  Uiis 
Government,  not  alone  to  t!ie  territory  as  far  north  ns  forty-nine,  but  to  the 


wl 
diE 
firi 

^ 
mi 

th( 

cu 

at« 

ai|i' 

to 

cot 

av( 

lh( 
ha 
ou 
Br 

air 
int 

ten 

LO 

aei 

vet 
we 
It 
o 

DU] 

:or 

iS 

ntie 
me 

■] 

iho 
:oi 

of 

bel 

Ef 

is  1 

tia 

in^ 

is  I 

bri 

to 

sta 

wl 

11  ( 

eff 

tui 


i; 


e  effected.     Witli 
d  been  made  and 
and  our  title  to 
laintained  by  irref- 


cc, 


no  compromise 
d."  Well,  sir,  if 
fiited  States  oiijjht 
ion  as  to  the  result 
Britain  will  agree 
mconditionally  all 
mdisputed  posses- 
e,fhat  he  believes 
rord.     This  infer- 

f  his  message;  in 

■■> 

hink  4t  proper  to 
led  a  period  when 
d  or  firmly  main- 
e  of  both  national 

fuised,  that  if  this 
to  Great  Britain, 
assert  our  claims 
i  I  fully  concur, 
nust  then,  at  all 
jireat  Britain,  by 
y  be  avoided  by 
lason  to  anticipate 
on,  to  make  any 
believe  that  she 
The  pride  and 
assertion  of  what 
dilated   to   excite 
et  fully  show  that 
3sent  controvei*sy . 
measure.     Had 
tiations  were  pro- 
resulted  from  it. 
!  whole  subject  of 
1  any  ground  of 
d  u])on  the  nego- 
initive  settlement 
irs,  however,  has 
lated  the  negotia- 
I  lie  had  made, 
)position  in  defer- 
inst  Ills  own  con- 
Congress  to  give 
^e  claims   of  thi^^ 
■-nine,  but  to  the 


whole  of  the  Oregon  territory — to  the  Russian  line,  at  fifty-four  forty.  He 
distinctly  informs  us  that,  at  the  expiration  of  the  year,  we  must  either 
ftmly  assert  our  rights  to  the  territory,  or  abandon  them  altogether.  The 
Tj^in  and  simple  meaning  of  this  is,  that,  at  the  expiration  of  the  year,  we 
lUust  take  possession  of  the  whole  of  the  country,  and  drive  the  subjects  of 
the  English  Government  from  every  part  of  it.  At  the  same  time,  the  dis- 
cussions upon  this  question,  both  in  Congress  and  through  the  public  press, 
afe  conducted  in  a  spirit  of  self-laudation  and  boastful  eulogy  of  ourselves, 
aiid  of  bitter  and  vehement  denunciation  against  Great  Britain,  calculated 
to  excite  feelings  of  reciprocal  hostility  between  the  people  of  the  two 
countries  If  this  notice  is  now  given  under  these  circumstances,  with  the 
avowed  declaration  on  the  part  of  our  Government  that  it  is  intended  as  a 
preparator\'  measure  to  the  assertion  of  our  claims  to  all  of  Oregon — with 
the  angry  passions  of  the  people  of  both  ooimtries  stirred  up  into  mutual 
hatred — can  we  hope  that  negotiations  will  be  renewed?  Can  we  flatter 
»ur*eh  es  into  the  belief  that  we  can  so  operate  upon  the  fears  of  Great 
Britain  as  to  extort  from  her  by  menace  that  which  she  has  refused  as  a 
proposition  of  compromise?  If  she  has  refused  the  oflfers  which  we  have 
already  made,  will  the  asst-rtion  of  a  determination  on  our  part  to  force  her 
into  a  submission  to  our  demands,  induce  her  at  once  to  abandon  her  pre- 
lensions?  )Sir,  I  cannot,  for  one  moment,  believe  it,  I  am  irresistibly  led 
10  the  conclusion,  that  the  giving  of  this  notice,  at  this  time,  in  the  man- 
aer  and  under  the  circumstances  in  which  it  is  proposed  to  give  it,  will 
afl'ectually  close  the  door  to  all  future  negotiations,  and  leave  this  contro- 
versy to  l)e  settled  by  the  stern  arbitrameni  of  the  sword.  By  this  measure 
we  eliuU  "cry  liuvoc,  and  let  slip  the  dogs  of  war"  to  desolate  the  country. 
[t  may  not  be  ilifficult  to  get  into  a  war,  but  it  may  be  extremely  dilFicult 
:o  get  out  of  ii.  After  years  of  fighting,  after  the  sacrifice  of  millions  of 
Dur  treasure,  and  the  lives  of  thousands  of  our  citizens,  we  shall  still  be 
:on)pelled  to  settle  the  controversy  i>y  negotiation.  May  not  negotiation  be 
as  successful  now  as  tlieii;  and  would  it  not  Ite  good  policy  to  exhaust  the 
means  of  diplomacy  and  negotiation,  before  we  resort  to  harsher  or  sterner 
measures  ? 

But,3Ir,  Chairman,  if  this  (juestion  must  be  ultimatfely  settled  by  the 
3Word — if  to  secure  our  just  rights  in  the  Oregon  territorv  it  is  necessary 
that  we  should  engage  in  war  with  Great  Britain,  I  would  ask,  are  we  in  a 
condition  to  commence  a  war  at  this  time  ?  Docs  not  every  consideration 
of  prudence  and  discretion  require  that  we  should  make  some  preparation 
before  we  commence  hostilities  with  the  most  powerful  nation  in  the  world? 
EVery  one  who  is  familiar  with  the  history  of  the  last  war  with  Great  Britain 
is  Wt'll  aware  of  the  difiiculties  we  encountered  from  the  unprepared  condi- 
tion of  the  country  when  we  engngetl  in  it.  The  Government  was  crippled 
in  its  operations  from  the  want  of  etfective  means  to  carry  on  the  war.  It 
is  true,  sir,  that  ui  gallant  navy  won  for  itself  im])erishable  renown  by  its 
brilliant  achievements;  it  is  true,  that  the  cross  of  St.  George  was  compelled 
to  yield,  upon  its  (-\vn  favorite  element,  in  many  a  fierce  conflict,  to  the 
stars  and  stripes;  i(  is  true  that  our  valiant  army  covered  itself  with  laurels 
whenever  it  could  meet  the  enemy  upon  a  fair  field,  and  without  too  great 
ti  dispuriM  of  Ibrce.  But,  sir,  these  successes  only  sliow  how  much  more 
effective  might  hav"  beni  our  ojHMations.  and  how  much,  more  brilliant 
might  have  been  our  iuocc^s,  if  the  resources  and  energies  of  the  nation 


12 


had  been  proper!}^  inarslialled  for  the  conflict  before  its  commencement. 
And  ought  we  not,  sir,  to  profit  by  the  experience  of  the  past?  Shall  we 
derive  no  instruction  from  the  lessons  which  we  have  so  abundant  reason  to 
remember?  Every  gentleman  here  must  know,  and  does  know,  that  the 
country  is  not  prepared  for  war.  With  no  navy  but  a  few  vessels,  barely 
sufficient  to  allbrd  protection  to  our  commerce  in  time  of  peace;  with  no 
army  but  a  few  regiments,  constituting  merely  the  nucleus  of  a  military 
force;  without  fortifications  or  other  means  of  defence  upon  our  coasts;  witli 
our  harbors  unprotected,  and  our  Atlantic  cities  defenceless,  we  are  calle<J 
upon  to  adopt  measures  calculated  to  involve  us  at  once  in  a  war  with  a  na- 
tion fully  prepared  and  armed  at  all  points.  Great  Britain  is  fully  ])repared 
for  a  conflict  of  the  most  desperate  character.  During  the  past  year  all  her 
immense  resources  have  been  applied  to  the  increase  of  her  naval  and  mili- 
tary poAver.  She  has  at  this  time  a  navy  exceeding  in  eflTicicnt  force-  any 
which  has  ever  before  been  afloat.  Even  now  she  is  engaged  in  rapidly 
increasing  her  already  innnense  means,  of  butli  oflensive  and  defensive  war- 
fare. At  peace  with  all  the  world  besides,  she  can  concentrate  all  her  ener- 
gies and  resources  for  the  contest  with  us,  if  a  contest  nuist  ensue.  We 
cannot  be  insensible  to  the  extraonlinary  preparations  made  by  the  British 
Government  during  the  past  year.  What  may  be  the  object  of  them  we  an' 
left  to  conjecture.  VVhellier  thai  (government  is  arming  to  defend  its  claini:^' 
to  the  Oregon  territory,  or  whether  it  may  be  to  meet  any  other  object,  wi 
of  course  have  no  means  of  knowing.  But  whatever  may  l»e  the  object  oi 
her  preparations,  they  ])lace  her  in  a  condition  to  operate  most  eflecliveb, 
agfunst  us,  should  we  engage  in  hosiilitios. 

Sir,  if  wc  are  to  have  :var,  we  should  at  once  commence  active  prepara- 
tions to  meet  it.  It'  we  are  to  adopt  a  measure  which  is  to  involve  us  in 
hostilities,  we  should  innnediulely  proviiifc  means  for  the  defence  of  the 
country.  The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Adams)  said,  a  few 
days  since,  with  nuich  force  and  eIo(|uenre,  while  we  are  Inlking  aboui 
raising  two  regiments  of  riflemen,  and  organizing  a  corps  of  miners  and 
sappers,  Great  Britain  is  arming  her  steamers,  and  preparing  for  a  crisis 
with  an  energy  ai)d  vigor  unparalleled  in  the  hisiory  of  civilized  nation-f 
Shall  we  nealect  the  warninus  wliich  are  around  iis,  mitil  we  art?  arousei' 
from  our  state  of  fancied  security  by  the  thundering  of  the  enemies'  arlil 
lery  upon  our  coasts,  and  the  jhmies  of  our  burning  cities  ? 

Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  measurci  now  under  consideration,  and  which  I 
cannot  regard  in  any  otlun'  light  than  a  war  measme.  shall  ])ass,  oiu'  dut\ 
to  die  country  will,  in  my  opinion,  re([uire  us  immediately  to  adopt  elHcien 
means  to  place  the  country  in  a  state  of  defence.  I  would  not ''  prepai 
the  hearts  of  the  peo])le  for  war"  by  appealing  to  theii  pas-ions,  and  ex 
citing  their  national  ]irejudices  ;  but  I  wuidd  pr<,'pare  their  arms  for  vigorou- 
and  successful  defence.  If  we  must  have  war,  let  us  furni'^h  the  Adniini- 
tration  with  the  means  of  prosecuting  it  vigorously  and  successfully.  Whot 
ever  may  be  my  want  of  confidence  in  those  in  whose  hands  the  control  o: 
the  (Government  has  been  placed,  my  vote  shall  be  freely  given  for  any  ap 
propriations  tlu^y  may  ask  to  enable  them  to  defend  tlie  coiuUry  or  proteci 
its  citizens.  I'linahitablc  as  taxation  mav  l>e  to  mv  constituents,  I  shall  no 
hesitate  to  aid  in  imposing  upon  them  any  omonnt  which  may  be  necessai} 
to  meet  the  crisis.  Should  war  unfortunately  come,  however  gentlemen 
may  attempt  to  make  political  capital  l>y  raising  die  cry  of"  British  parly/' 


13 


s  coiiimencement, 
e  past?  Shall  we 
ibundant  reason  to 
)es  know,  that  the 
c\v  vessels,  barely 
Df  peace;  with  no 
lens  of  a  military 
311  our  coasts;  with 
ess,  we  are  called 
1  a  war  with  a  na- 
il is  fully  ])re})ared 
e  past  year  all  her 
ler  naval  and  mill- 
efficient  force-  any 
ignged  in  rapidly 
uid  defensive  war- 
iitrate  all  her  ener- 
nust  ensue.  We 
de  by  the  British 
cct  of  them  we  art; 
)  defend  its  claim-: 
y  other  object,  \\i 
y  \)c  the  object  oi 
i  most  ellectiveh 

ice  active  prepara- 

?  to  involve  us  in 

le  defence  of  tin; 

>A-Ms)  said,  a  few 

are  talking  aboui 

ps  of  miners  and 

u'ing  for  a  crisis'. 

civilized  nation.^ 

il  we  -MO  arousci! 

le  enemies'  artil- 
? 

on,  and  which  1 
.\11  pass,  our  diil\ 
■  to  adopt  elHcieii 
old  not ''  prepai 
lassions,  and  ex 
arms  for  vigoroii- 
ii<h  the  Admini- 
•cssfully.  Whot 
nds  the  control  o; 
given  for  any  ap 
I'oinUry  or  proteti 
uents,  I  shall  no' 
may  be  necessarv 
wever  gentlemen 
"  British  party,"' 


no  such  parly,  I  feel  tissured,  will  be  found.  When  that  crisis  shall  come, 
we  shall  be  one  in  sentiment  as  we  arc  one  in  destiny;  and  the  free  millions  of 
ihe  American  people  will  unite  their  energies,  and  vie  with  each  other,  in 
sacrifices  to  place  the  stars  and  stripes  of  our  national  tlag  in  triumph  on 
every  field  and  every  sea. 

I  believe,  sir,  that  no  injury  can  result  to  this  Government  by  a  continu- 
fince  of  the  convention  with  Great  Britain.  The  territory  is  rapidly  filling 
up  with  a  hardy  Anierican  population.  The  Chairman  of  the  Connnittec 
on  Foreign  Affairs  has  informed  us  that  there  are  already  seven  thousand 
American  emigrants  there.  In  a  very  short  period  the  number  will  be 
iquadrupled.  The  British  Government  is  making  no  ellwrt  to  colonize  Ore- 
gon. The  only  British  subjects  in  the  territory  are  diose  who  are  connect- 
ed with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  Their  number  is  but  small,  and 
their  object  is  not  to  make  permanent  settlements,  but  to  carry  on  a  traffic 
widi  the  Indians.  Every  year  is  giving  to  the  American  settlers  additional 
strength.  Let  peace  but  continue,  and  but  a  short  time  will  eUi])se  until 
they  will  have  strength  sufficient  to  protect  themselves,  and  defend  the 
country  against  any  power  which  may  be  brought  against  them.  I  am 
willing  to  aid  in  the  adoption  of  any  measures  which  may  be  necessary  to- 
thoir  protection  and  security,  consistent  with  the  treaty  stipulations  into  which 
■we  have  entered.  Let  us  afford  to  them  the  protection  of  our  laws.  Let 
us  increase  the  facilities  of  emigration;  and  by  stockade  forts,  or  any  other 
means  wliich  maybe  necessary,  enable  them  safely  and  securely  to  reach 
the  coimtry.  There  can  surely  be  no  pressing  necessity  for  the  immediate 
organization  of  a  territorial  government  for  die  accommodation  of  a  popula- 
tion of  but  seven  thousand— a  population  hardly  equalling  the  half  of  the 
population  of  an  ordinary  county  in  one  of  the  States.  In  the  meantime 
opportunity  may  be  afforded  for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  the  controversy 
with  rirc.t  Britain  in  regard  to  the  title.  If  the  controversy  cannot  be  set- 
tled peacefully,  and  we  shall  be  compelled  to  setde  it  by  '''  wager  of  battle,^* 
we  may,  in  the  meantime,  collect  our  resources,  and  place  ourselves  in  a 
position  to  defend  the  territory  successfully. 

But ,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  cannot  bring  my  mind  to  the  belief,  that  two  na- 
tions like  the  L'niteil  States  and  Great  Britain  will  sufTer  dieniselves  to  be 
forced  into  a  war  upon  a  question  like  this.  We  have  repeatedly  offered  to 
surrender  to  Great  Britain  all  of  the  territory  which  lies  nordi  of  forty-nine. 
She  has  offered  to  surrender  to  us  all  that  lies  south  of  the  Columbia  river. 
The  strip  of  territory  between  these  boundaries,  and  which  is  the  territory 
•jn  dispute  between  the  two  Governments,  is  but  trifling;  trilling  in  extent,, 
and  trifling  in  imjx)rtance,  when  compared  widi  the  calamitous  consequen- 
ces which  nnist  result  from  a  war  between  two  such  nations.  But  a  short 
time  has  elapsed  since  we  discharged  the  last  of  the  national  debt  contracted 
during  the  late  war.  A  war  with  Great  Britain  now,  would  compel  us  to 
contract  a  debt  greatly  beyond  any  we  have  ever  before  contracted.  Hun- 
dreds of  millions  would  be  re(iuired  to  carry  us  through  it,  and  when  peace 
should  again  dawn  upon  us,  we  should  have  a  load  of  national  debt  resting 
upon  our  shoulders  which  would  recpiirc  the  energies  and  sacrifices  of  gen- 
erations to  remove.  But  this  evil, great  as  it  might  be,  would  be  one  of  the 
smallest  resulting  from  a  war.  The  destruction  of  our  property — the  los.? 
of  our  commerce  with  other  nations — the  sacrifice  of  the  lives  of  many  thou- 
sands of  our  best  citizens — the  demoralization  of  the  country,  always  a 


■i 


14 

consequence  of  war — and  the  shock  which  would  be  j^iven  to  the  principles 
of  free  government — would  heap  up  an  accumulation  of  evil,  from  the 
effects  of  which  it  would  require  many  years  of  peaceful  prosperity  to  ena- 
ble us  to  recover.  From  these  evils  I  cannot  but  most  earnestly  desire  to 
see  my  country  escape.  They  are  evils  which  ought  not  to  be  lightly  m- 
curredj  and  I  cannot  consent,  as  one  of  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
by  any  vote  or  act  of  mine,  to  aid  in  bringing  the  country  to  a  crisis  in 
which  they  must  be  incuiTed. 

There  is  no  principle  of  necessity,  there  is  no  point  of  national  honor, 
•which  requires  us  to  incur  them.  Instead  of  vindicating  our  national  honor, 
we  should  incur  most  deep  dishonor  by  hurrying  precipitately  into  a  war 
upon  a  question  which  may  be  well  and  honorably  adjusted  without  it. 

I  deny,  sir,  the  proposition  which  has  been  asserted,  that  there  is  no  lon- 
ger any  prospect  of  a  compromise  of  this  question.  I  believe,  firmly,  that 
if  the  notice  to  terminate  the  joint  convention  shall  not  be  given,  we  shall 
have  a  speedy  and  honorable  adjustment  of  the  matter  with  ihe  Govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain.  It  has  been  stated,  and  upon  what  many  suppose 
to  be  good  authority,  that  the  British  Governmeni  did  not  entirely  approve 
of  the  hasty  rejection,  by  Mr.  Pakenham,  of  iho  oiler  of  compromise  made 
by  Mr.  Polk.  In  mnking  that  offer,  I  tiiink  Mr.  Polk  acted  wisely;  and 
however  loudly  some  of  his  friends  may  raise  the  ;<lioutof  ^ '  All  of  Oregon , 
or  none!''^  lie  will  be  fully  sustained  by  the  approving  voice  of  the  nation. 
It  is  too  late  to  say,  that  the  rights  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Unitetl  States, 
in  the  Oregon  territory,  are  not  a  pro{)('r  subject  of  compromise.  Our 
Government,  for  the  last  thirty  years,  in  all  the  nogotiations  upon  this  sub- 
ject, has  admitted  that  Great  i3ritain  has  some  rights  there;  and  has  repeat 
edly  offered  to  surrender  to  her  a  large  portion  of  die  territory.  We  cannot, 
if  we  would,  disregard  the  previous  negotiations.  We  cannot  now  repudi- 
ate the  previous  admissions  and  acknowledgments  of  our  own  Government, 
and  insist  upon  an  unconditional  and  absolute  surrender  of  all  claitn  on  the 
part  of  the  Britisli  Government.  By  pursuing  this  course,  we  should  not 
only  array  Great  Britain  in  hostility  against  us,  but  the  sympathies  of  other 
nations  would  be  enlisted  in  her  favor. 

I  do  not  believe  that  Great  Britain  desires  to  engage  in  a  war  with  us 
upon  this  question.  Hor  desire  for  peace  is  evidenced  by  the  olfer  which 
she  has  made  to  seide  the  controversy  by  arbitration.  1  avail  myself  of  this 
opportunity  to  express  my  deliberate  conviction,  ih-Ai  it  is  the  imperative 
duty  of  this  Government  to  accept  of  that  mode  of  settlement  of  the  con- 
troversy, rather  than  to  engage  in  a  war.  It  is  objected  to  a  settlement  of 
the  question  by  arbitration,  that  any  monarch  to  whom  it  might  be  referred, 
would,  from  prejudiees  against  a  republican  government,  make  an  award 
against  our  claim.  Sir,  it  is  not  necessary  that  we  should  submit  the  ques- 
tion to  imy  monarch.  It  might  be  referred  to  arbitrators,  consisting  of  emi- 
nent citizens  of  our  own  ccimtry,  in  connection  with  citizens  of  Great  Bri- 
tain and  other  nations  of  Europe.  Should  we  have  any  reason  to  doubt  or 
distrust  an  umpirage  of  this  character?  I  believe  not,  sir.  I  believe  the 
interest  and  the  honor  of  this  country  would  be  safe ,  confided  to  such  hands; 
and  I  cap  see  no  sulHcient  reason  why  our  Government  shoula  refuse  to 
submit  to  such  an  arbitrament.  By  a  reference  of  the  question  in  dispute 
to  arbitrators,  we  make  no  concessions  inconsisteiu  wiUi  Uie  honor  of  the 


15 


to  the  principles 
'  evil,  from  the 
)iosperity  to  ena- 
[irnestly  desire  to 
to  be  lightly  in- 
s  of  the  people, 
ry  to  a  crisis  in 

national  honor, 
r national  honor, 
tately  into  a  war 
d  without  it. 
t  there  is  no  lon- 
ieve ,  firmly ,  that 

given,  we  shall 
'ith  ihe  Goveru- 
it  many  suppose 
entirely  approve 
omproinise  made 
icted  wisely;  and 

All  of  Oregon , 
ce  of  the  nation, 
le  United  States, 
111  promise.  Our 
lis  upon  this  sub- 

and  lias  repeat- 
ry.  We  cannot, 
iinot  now  repudi- 
wii  Government, 
f  all  claim  on  the 
e,  we  should  not 
npathies  of  other 

in  a  war  with  us 
y  the  olTer  which 
ail  myself  of  this 
is  the  imperative 
ment  of  the  con- 
to  a  settleinent  of 
night  be  referred, 
,  make  an  award 
submit  the  ques- 
;onsisting  of  emi- 
ens  of  Great  Bri- 
eason  to  doubt  or 
r.  I  believe  the 
ed  to  such  hands ; 
shoula  refuse  to 
lestion  in  dispute 
the  honor  of  the 


nation.     If  our  tide  is  ^^  clear  and  unquestionable,"  we  have  no  reason  to 
fear  that  a  decision  will  be  made  adversely  to  us.     Beyond  all  doubt,  we 

'  should,  by  an  award  of  disinterested  arbitrators,  obtain  terms  of  settlement 
at  least  as  favorable  as  those  which  we  have  now  at  four  diflerent  periods 

\  offered  to  Great  Britain.     All  peaceable  means  of  settling  the  question 

*  should  be  exhausted,  before  a  resort  should  be  had  to  arms.  The  civilized 
world  will  justly  hold  us  responsible,  if  we  adopt  measures  calculated  to 
disturb  the  g'^neral  peace,  while  it  may  honorably  be  avoided. 

Efforts  have  been  made,  both  in  this  country  and  in  England,  to  inflame 
the  public  mind,  and  produce  feelings  of  jnutual  hostility,  which  have 
doubtless  exercised  a  prejudicial  influence  upon  the  negotiations.  This  is 
gready  to  be  regretted.  A  course  of  this  kind  can  effect  nothing  but  evil. 
We  shall  gain  neither  the  respect  nor  the  good  will  of  other  nations,  by 
swelling  praises  of  our  own  patriotism,  or  vauntings  of  our  valor.  A  settle- 
ment of  the  controversy  cannot  be  facilitated  by  indulging  in  eulogies  upon 
ourselves  or  abuse  of  Great  Britain . 

I  am  not  insensible,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  the  danger  of  denunciation,  to 
which  I  expose  myself,  hy  advocating  pacific  measures.  I  know  that 
there  is  a  chord  'n  the  popular  mind  which  can  be  made  to  vibrate  sen- 
sibly by  the  waiiike  appeals  '.hich  are  made  to  the  feelings  and  pas- 
ssion  of  the  people.  I  know  the  influence  which  may  be  excited  by 
sneering  allusions  to  the  '^ peace  party.''''  But,  sir,  I  cannot  suffer  myself 
to  be  swerved  from  the  conscientiou?  discharge  of  the  duty  which  I  owe  to 
my  constituents  by  any  fear  of  denunciations,  or  by  any  regard  for  personal 
considerations.  1  feel  assured  Uiat  their  imeiest,and  die  interest  of  the 
whole  country;  will  be  best  promoted  by  peace.  I  know  that  die  spread 
of  free  principles,  and  the  triumph  of  republican  institutions,  can  only  be 
secured  l)y  peace.  I  know  that  war  is  a  great  and  terrible  calamity,  only 
to  be  endured  in  the  last  extremity — a  resort  for  the  settlement  of  national 
diflliculties,  imposing  immitigated  evil  upon  both  parties,  and  never  to  be 
jusdfied,  but  as  the  only  means  of  preserving  die  honor  or  the  rights  of  a 
nation.  We  have  not  reached  a  crisis  when  it  is  iiecess:- y  for  the  main- 
tenance of  either  our  honor  or  interest  that  we  should  resort  to  this  extreme 
mode  of  setding  our  difficulties.  I  cannot,  therefore,  give  my  support  to  a 
measure  which  I  believe  is  calculated  to  place  us  in  a  position  in  which 
war  will  be  inevitable.     I  prefer  rather  to  pursue  that  course  which  will 

.  lead  to  pacific  measures  and  honorable  results  ;  trusting  and  believing,  as  I 
•do  most  confidently,  that  I  shall  find  my  vindication  in  the  sober  and  dis- 
creet judgment  of  my  own  constituents. 


J^ 


